According to the press office of the Egyptian Government Former President Hosni Mubarak, 84, is only confirmed to not be dead and that he is in a coma. One of Mubarak’s attorneys, Fareed El Deeb, told CNN, “he has been in a coma for hours now. He has had water on the lungs for 10 days now and his blood pressure is down today, which obstructed his breathing and forced doctors to put him on a respirator. He was given medicine intravenously to relieve the brain clot, and electric shocks were used to revive him but there was no substantial response. He is not dead as reported.”

Mubarak has been reportedly transported from the prison where he is being held to Maadi military hospital where he is on life support and clinically dead. Mubarak was jailed for life for his role in the killings of hundreds of protesters in February 2011.

CNN Senior Medical Correspondent Elizabeth Cohen commented that “clinically dead is not a phrase that is commonly used, but when it is used, what it usually means is that someone is brain dead…in the United States, we would call this person dead because they have no brain activity.”

However, many are doubtful of these allegations. A senior fellow at Stanford University’s Hoover Institution, Fouad Ajami, stated, “there’s a great Arab expression I like and it asks the following question: When you’re told that someone is dead, you say, ‘Is he dead and buried, or just dead?’ I think we are in the middle of this kind of situation.”

With tensions high in Egypt with the outcome of the presidential elections being announced today, some believe that this is a stunt by the government to distract from the problems with the elections. Sayed Ahmed, a protester, stated, “I don’t care about Mubarak. These are games played by the intelligence services.”

Recently many protesters have gathered in Tahrir Square to protest the way the elections are being run and recent problems in the government. The government is currently being run by the Egyptian military which ousted the recently elected Parliament after the Constitutional Court ruled that the elections were illegal. According to a statement issued by former US President Jimmy Carter’s Carter Center, they are “deeply troubled by the undemocratic turn that Egypt has taken.”

The Constitutional Court also ruled that candidate Ahmed Shafiq, former prime minister under Mubarak, could run and contest the elections even though a law was passed forbidding members of the former regime from running for office. According to “The Australian” the protesters of Arab Spring feel as though they are being marginalized.

Another lawyer of Mubarak’s claimed Wednesday, June 20 that the stories of Mubarak’s coma are exaggerated. Youssri Abdel Razeq says that Mubarak fell in the prison shower and developed a blood clot that has been removed. According to the “New York Times” Mubarak’s lawyers are trying to get him released from prison on medical grounds.

Image Courtesy of  Vasily Smirnov / Shutterstock.com

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The Muslim Brotherhood’s presidential candidate, Mohammed Mursi, addressed Egyptian voters on Tuesday May 29, 2012 about concerns that his presidency would result in a strict Islamic state. Mursi claimed that not only would his Egyptian government be secular but he would emphasize the creation of an institution for the executive office instead of the presidency being one person.

Mursi spoke after his rival’s, Ahmed Shafiq’s, headquarters were attacked. Several store rooms were set fire to and computers were smashed.

Ahmed Shafiq, the rival to Mursi, was the prime minister under Mubarak, the former president removed through the most recent coup during the Arab Spring. Many of the youth voters are distrustful of Shafiq because of his relationship with the previous regime. However, many moderates support Shafiq because of his war and business records. He fought in three wars, including the Arab-Israeli conflict, as an air force pilot. He then went on to renovate EgyptAir which made the airline competitive and increased tourism.

Mursi claimed, “the Superman era is over,” emphasizing his desire to create an institution for the Presidency. Mursi also insisted that he would appoint individuals from opposing parties, not only from the Muslim Brotherhood.

The candidate addressed social issues in his speech as well. He made specific mention of the Coptic Christians and that they are the ‘brothers’ of Muslims and “will have full rights that are equal to those enjoyed by Muslims.” Additionally, Mursi claimed that Islamic dress codes would not be enforced; therefore, women would not be forced to wear the hijab. Mursi stated, “women have a right to freely choose the attire that suits them.”

Mursi’s statements came out amidst pressures from many Egyptian parties to have a candidate guarantee social reforms and political participation for all. There are also worries that the Muslim Brotherhood would create an autocratic rule or a government like that in Iran.

Originally the Muslim Brotherhood claimed that they would not put forth a presidential candidate and would focus solely on the parliament seats. The existence of Mursi as a presidential candidate at all thus reduces the Brotherhood’s credibility.

Mursi’s statement has indeed peaked the interest of several Egyptian political groups including the Social Democratic Party, the Ghad Party, and representatives from the National Association for Change. However these groups are still distrustful of both Shafiq and Mursi and have organized to demand more promises and action from Mursi before they agree to support him. Ayman Nour, head of the Ghad party, stated that the first condition was Mursi’s resignation from the Muslim Brotherhood’s Freedom and Justice Party. Mursi is currently the chairman of the Muslim Brotherhood’s Freedom and Justice Party and he stated that if he were to be elected president he would immediately resign his position.

The parties also demand that a presidential team of ten political figures from varying backgrounds be added to the executive branch to ensure that the minorities and underrepresented are no longer discriminated against or denied a voice. Additionally the parties request that a special committee be created to recombine the political programs of different presidential candidates to form a kind of national project.

Although these parties are willing to at least bargain with Mursi other parties are still very distrustful. The Wafd Party still claims that it will neither endorse Mursi nor Shafiq and finds neither candidate suitable. In addition there is a boycotting campaign for those who prefer neither candidate.

The most recent polls show Mursi only one percentage point ahead of Shafiq. The race will be very close and both candidates will need to win over the youth vote especially or risk losing those who created and supported the revolution.

Image Courtesy of  MOHPhoto / Shutterstock.com

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The excitement is on and we have now officially entered election season in Egypt. The interim military government has scheduled the next presidential elections in the country to take place this coming September. Politics in Egypt are in high gear, with dozens of political parties being created since the ouster of former President Hosni Mubarak.

But other things are happening in Egypt that might just be stealing the limelight away from the presidential elections.

Recent sectarian violence between Muslims and Christians, public trials of infamous former government officials and lack of security in the country are just drops in the well of troubles plaguing Egypt today. Dozens of political parties are being established, but most all agree, the few months allotted to them to establish their presence in the country is for the lack of a more creative word, short. The situation needs a shot in the arm. September is looming, and creating a slew of great parties with equally great platforms is not enough reason to celebrate.

So how does one inject a level of excitement befitting the first presidential election in Egypt that would actually lead to change? One word, candidates!

From the start the revolution in Egypt has been leaderless. Wael Ghonim, the Google Executive turned revolutionary activist, has repeated the leaderless mantra in almost most of his T.V appearances and tweets. That might have been good to encourage diversity in the revolutions’ demographics, however what is needed today is the exact opposite.

Egypt needs excitement in its electoral process. A political marriage between its top political candidates can help bring some cohesiveness to an as of yet hugely fragmented political field, while simultaneously giving Egyptians more of a reason to shed away their historical apathy towards politics and elections in general. Let’s explore two of the most popular candidates running for the presidency in Egypt.

Mohammed El Baradei:

Some people might remember El Baradei from his years heading the IAEA, the UN’s nuclear security watchdog. He would be immediately bringing international stature and recognition to the office of the Egyptian presidency. He is adept to the dynamics and intricacies of global politics and would presumably serve to spearhead economic, social and political reform in the country. Although political polling in Egypt is still in its infancy and access to good scientific data is scarce, Al Baradei is widely recognized as a serious contender for the presidency with broad support from the population.

Amr Moussa:

Moussa is a populist at his core and for all intents and purposes seems to be the most vetted of all candidates. He resonates with a huge portion of the population that might not relate to Al Baradei’s more liberal orientation. Moussa was once a prominent figure of the Mubarak regime, that is until rumors of disagreement between Moussa and Mubarak sent him packing to head the Arab League, a position that Mubarak presumably found fitting for him since it was far away from the public spotlight. He has maintained a firm stance with Israel on numerous occasions as Secretary General of the Arab League, which as we will see in the coming months will score him huge political points. In a sense, to many Egyptians he symbolizes the old guard, or that which is right with it.

So how would the El Baradei and Moussa political marriage look like? What would happen if two of the most exciting political leaders in modern Egypt’s history, in these most exciting of revolutionary times,  join forces on a single presidential ticket?

With all his merits, and they are numerous, El Baradei has not had enough experience working within the cynical world of Egyptian politics. That might very well be Al Baradei’s appeal to Egypt’s huge youthful population which yearns for an idealism that Moussa simply does not embody. Here the difference between the two could not be starker. El Baradei was an Egyptian statesman of the highest stature. He is an Egyptian that won a shared Nobel Peace Prize with the International Atomic Energy Agency. He is someone that presumably does not take issues of democracy, freedom of speech, and the rule of law lightly, in fact one would expect him to be Egypt’s most vocal champion of these ideals. Moussa’s history on the other hand is one of courage and principle in the eyes of many Egyptians. This is a man that presumably stood up against Mubarak and challenged him on how he was handling the country, and was sent to the Arab League because of his dissent. It might not seem like a shabby deal to many, but the message we get out of it is clear, Moussa is an old guard hero unafraid to face down the world if he thinks its in Egypt’s favor.

As the government of Egypt changes after the revolution, so will its role in the region. It is already a foregone conclusion that Egypt’s foreign policy vis a vis the U.S and Israel will change, now it is the extent of that change that begs the question. We have seen protests in recent days in Egypt in front of the Israeli embassy demanding the ouster of the Israeli Ambassador. The fervor must be tempered, and although Moussa has traditionally been a hard-liner when it comes to Israel, having El Baradei in the decision making process would balance things out between the two. In a sense, it would be the perfect blend of progressiveness and conservatism. Egyptians would get a sense of justice and idealism all in one package, they win, and the world wins. International politics is like a game theory game, and rarely do we see such a departure from negative sum to positive sum, or simply in the case of Egypt and the world, both sides losing or both sides winning. Rarely if ever, did Egypt get a chance to have a competent government that represents the diversity of opinion of its population. Egyptians must not fear disagreement, for there will be a lot of it in the years to come. Through dialogue, conservatism as well as liberalism will be shaped into their own unique meanings in Egypt, that is a natural side effect of freedom. Having El Baradei and Moussa pair up to kick start a national dialogue from a newly elected, legitimate presidential office would be a good thing.

Who would you nominate as President of Egypt, El Baradei or Moussa? Go to our facebook page to cast your vote.

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The Egyptian revolution has begun to transition into an administrative phase as the first rounds of voting commence in the coming weeks. Working towards a stable, democratic government, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces has appointed a committee to revise Egypt’s constitution, and prepare for the upcoming elections.

On March 19 a public referendum scheduled to take place, will set the preliminary measures by which Egypt’s political future will be defined. In polling stations open to the public from 8 a.m. to 7 p.m., Egyptians will determine whether they agree to amendments made on 8 articles in the constitution (75, 76, 77, 88, 93, 139 and 149 and the cancellation of Article 179).

Article 75 now states that a president—of at least 40 years old— must be borne by two Egyptian Parents, and cannot marry a foreign wife—Mubarak’s wife, Suzanne, was half Welsh.

Article 76 outlines the eligibility of a candidate to run for president: the candidate should be endorsed by 30 members from the People`s Assembly or the Shura Council (the lower and upper houses of parliament); receive 30,000 signatures from Egyptians from 15 Governorates; or be a member of a party that holds at least one seat in Parliament.

Article 77 restricts a president from serving more than two terms in office, each lasting four years. No limit previously existed, and Mubarak was able to hold five, six-year terms.

Article 88 was modified to allow judicial oversight during the election process—from voter lists to the announcement of results.

Article 89 concerns the means to amend the constitution, ensuring that the next elected parliament will form a 100 member elected commission to draft a new constitution within the first six months after its election.

Article 93 has been amended so the Supreme Constitutional Court is the sole arbitrator on contested memberships. Previously, the People’s Assembly had authority in determining the validity of the parliamentary membership.

Article 139 requires a president to appoint a vice president within the first two months of inauguration.

Under article 148, if the president wants to apply the State of Emergency for over six months, it must be approved by a public referendum. Formerly, the Emergency Law could be renewed by the People’s Assembly.

If passed, the changes will be the basis for parliamentary elections scheduled for June, and the presidential election in August.

“We are putting them [the amendments] to public debate now,” said Sobhi Saleh, the only member of the Islamist Muslim Brotherhood on the committee. “If there is a substantive challenge, we will take it into consideration.”

The June elections will affect the formation of political parties in parliament and consequently establish nominees for the presidency.

Anticipated frontrunners emerging are Arab League Secretary-General Amr Moussa, and former International Atomic Energy Agency director Mohamed ElBaradei.

ElBaradei, 68, winner of the Nobel Peace Prize in 2005, said he will vote in opposition to the March 19 amendments, pushing for a new constitution to be drafted. “The current constitution fell. It would be an insult to the revolution if we decided to retrieve this constitution.”

On March 9 Moussa, 74, the most prominent figure to announce his candidacy, stated he “would not be another Mubarak.” Popular amongst middle class Egyptians, Moussa’s future plans include peace with Israel, cooperation in favor of submission to U.S. relations, political integration between the Muslim Brotherhood and Copts, and encouragement for women and the younger generation to become involved in Egypt’s future. “The choice should be to the people.”

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