On the streets of Rome, Italy’s capital, up to 200.000 demonstrators took the streets to join the global protest called from one side to other of the world. Among those, a group of Black Bloc protesters – between 100 and 200 people – hijacked the peaceful march with an explosion of violence against stores, banks, cars, police and other protesters.

October 15th was the day of worldwide demonstrations. In 951 cities in more than 80 countries hundreds of thousands of people took the streets and the squares to protest against financial elites, capitalists, bankers and governments’ austerity measures and to claim rights and real democracy for all.

Although the massive participation in most of the cities, reports on violence are rare and the protests were peaceful and quiet even in the European capitals which are the epicenter of the crisis and where the anger and the frustration are stronger.

In this scenario of collaboration and solidarity the exception has been Rome. Here just half an hour after the peaceful march of the Italian “indignados” started – at around 2.30 pm Italian time –, a small group of demonstrators with covered faces and clad totally in black broke away from the main rally and began to throw bottles, stones and incendiary devices at stores, banks, and police.

Numerous cars and trash bins were set on fire in the streets of downtown, offices of the Defence Ministry were assaulted and set on fire as well, banks and stores’ windows were smashed, journalists crew were attacked and many other damages were caused by the group of Black Bloc rioters. Pictures and videos report images of urban guerrilla, terrified people, bloody faces, fire, smoke, destruction and violence. They show the “total black protesters” breaking away from the main group and attacking police and peaceful demonstrators on their way.

The estimated number of injured people is around 70. Two protesters and one policeman have been seriously hurt, one of them – a 52-years-old man who tried to stop the violents – lost two fingers for the explosion of a firecracker thrown by one of the Black Blocs – as it’s shown in one video.

During a high tension moment of clashes between riot police and the violent group, a police armour-plated car was set on fire and police charged repeatedly the protesters and used tear gas and water cannons to stop the riots. The peaceful part of demonstrators, that is the big majority of them, ran away and fled the violence. Some of them who turned against the small violent group trying to stop and push them away were attacked and injured.

Around 12 people have been arrested. Rome’s mayor Gianni Alemanno, ministers and leaders of all parties blamed the violence. Some leader of the opposition questioned on how it was possible that the police was not able to stop such a small and well identifiable violent group for so many hours.

Meanwhile, on the web and on social media some users are rising the question on whether the Black Blocs could be real protesters or infiltrated policemen. Some suggest also that those protesters could have been paid and supported by “men of power”, who have strong interests in a violent hijacking of the peaceful protest to boycott it and manipulate the consequent news for condemning the demonstration. At the moment there is no proof for these conjectures to be true.

What it’s sure is that the news of the violent riots spread easier and stronger than the actual and true mass event which was this global peaceful protest covering it up. Though this has been a serious and blameworthy violence episode, we should also look to the importance and the strength of a worldwide movement that gathered 200.000 people just in Rome who are claiming for a future and protesting against a heavy economical crisis which is not the people’s fault. Also in a country which is standing on bended knees such as Italy, people answered to the call “People of the word: rise up!”.

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With the world always having a country or two in rebellious uproar, there is always one denominator that seems to be the main cause: Money. You could see it in the Tunisian Revolution in late December 2010, the Egyptian Revolution in late January 2011, the ongoing Libyan Civil War that started in February, and the uprising in Syria that began in March.

The governments of these country had in one way or the other blocked certain rights of the citizens which led to mass protest. In some cases, like in Egypt, the main cause for protest revolved around a rise in poverty and massive unemployment. But what a lot of people focused on throughout the Arab Spring movement was that the citizens who revolted were those whose basic freedoms were being denied them.

In the previous dictatorial regimes, the ability to exersize freedom of speech has been seriously hampered by the authorities, blocking internet or social networking access. According to Dan Robles, founder of the Ingenesist Project and a blogger on several top social media communities, even though the regime in Egypt had a lot of money, oil, and guns, the Egyptian government was taken down by what he calls “social currency”.

Social currency, or ‘Rallods’ according to Robles, is “all value that is not directly articulated with Dollars.” This form of currency is regarded the most valuable and important form of currency that can be obtained in this world; however, you will never see it used in economic situations by the government.

According to Robles, a society cannot “try to produce an airplane, a sandwich, or a surgical procedure without intellect, creativity, compassion, empathy, ethics, social values, or community awareness”. Social currency is the only type of currency a community will essentially need in the production of anything of greater importance, and it could cause problems if it wasn’t included and drawn upon in the production process.

As seen in the recent uprisings and revolutions throughout the middle eastern world, the people have and are using their social currency in order to obtain the rights and freedoms that human being desires. Along with that, social currency is also helping citizens obtain the other forms of currency important for survival, money.

The challenge for the world, which could take some time, is to convey and utilise all forms of value in an economic system. According to Robles, this change in the economy is already underway and we will soon be able to exchange Rallods with Dollars every day. This could lead to countries with healthier economies — relying not only on contribution from the government, but from the people as well.
1000 Words / Shutterstock.com

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Since the first Star Wars film was re-released on VHS in 1981, director George Lucas has changed at least one element of every film with each new release, often causing a stir among the most loyal fans of the franchise. With the release of the 9-disc special edition Blu-Ray of episodes I-VI on September 16, Lucas has upset fans once again by making a number of changes to episodes IV, V, and VI.

Some of the most controversial changes are the addition of the word “NO!” two times to Darth Vader’s dialogue when he throws the Emperor over the edge in Return of the Jedi, the Ewoks’ eyes now blink, and Obi-Wan’s fake “Kryat Dragon” roar has been changed.

Not since Lucas decided to make Greedo shoot Han first in the Cantina in episode IV for the 1997 Special Edition have fans been so upset about the changes made to one of film history’s most popular series. Twitter has exploded with commentary on the subject, and there are even a number of Facebook pages dedicated to voicing their dissatisfaction with a number of Lucas’ decisions.

One of the most upsetting aspects of the changes is the fact that the original versions won’t be available on Blu-Ray. In 2006, after years of strong protest concerning the 1997 revisions, the original trilogy was released on DVD, but the quality of the picture was not improved.

Lucas has made it clear that he does not want the originals to be preserved. In a 1997 interview with American Cinematographer he stated that “[a] hundred years from now, the only version of the movie that anyone will remember will be the [Special Edition] version.” This view has left fans looking to purchase old copies of the original VHS tapes as a part of their protest against this mentality.

Despite the strong dissatisfaction with many of the content changes, there are still a number of additions and revisions that have been mostly accepted by fans. Notably, the decision to change the puppet version of Yoda in episode I into a CGI version that more closely resembles the original trilogy has met general approval, both for continuity and visual appeal.

George Lucas has been on a quest to make his films better than they were originally, and to include aspects of the film to help make his newer Star Wars films match more closely with the original trilogy. The problem with this mentality is the huge number of fans that liked things the way they were, even with all of the flaws and mistakes.

Who knows, perhaps t-shirts protesting Darth Vader’s comical “no!” will become just as popular in a few years as “Han shot first” t-shirts are today. But unless Lucas makes a sudden change of heart, or loses the creative rights to his films, fans will have to accept whatever creative decisions George Lucas makes.

Image Courtesy of  http://www.facebook.com/StarWars

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On the September 8, two young and determined Libyan activists stormed their embassy in the Philippine capital demanding the resignation of Gadhafi diplomats. The Associated Press (AP) reported that two men scaled the embassy’s steel gate, barging into the building and scuffling with guards.

They were yelling loudly and tried to look for two of four Libyan diplomats inside, who they accused of remaining loyal to Gadhafi. “We are Libyans, this is our embassy,” Elyosa Fathi Elgardag, one of the intruders and a former student in the Philippines, said before storming the complex in front of Filipino guards.

The two Libyans said they left the embassy after the staff showed them a senior diplomat’s resignation letter, according to the Associated Press. The other diplomat the two activists were seeking wasn’t identified, and the Libyan Embassy staff refused to comment. The Philippine Department of Foreign Affairs also did not comment Friday on the situation.

Elgardag said that the embassy later informed the activists that the other diplomat they were interested in seeing is not a Gadhafi loyalist. Elgardag said they were satisfied with the development: “We are happy with that,” he said, adding that they left the building in an embassy car without any further cause.

A number of other Libyan activists, mainly Philippine students, were barred from entering the upscale gated community in Manila’s financial district, Elgardag said. A crowd-control team stood by in case Libyan protesters tried to get near the embassy.

Last month, Libyan diplomats in Manila raised the flag of the temporary rebel government, the National Transitional Council, as Tripoli’s diplomatic missions across the world defected from Gadhafi, underscoring his rapid fall after nearly forty two years in power.

The rapturous, young Libyans rampaged through the embassy compound in August, smashing Gadhafi’s glass-covered portraits, shouting “Die Gadhafi, die!” and ripping his “Green Book,” with his ruling philosophy. However Elgardag said the Libyan diplomats in Manila were under pressure after he and some other Libyans stayed in the Philippnes forced them to defect.

Elgardag’s companion, an anonymous student, said that they were refused from entering the embassy and they had no choice but to storm it because the embassy failed to arrange for the continuation of financial aid to Libyan students abroad. This lack of funding made things difficult for many students, according to the AP.

Elgardag believes that despite Gadhafi’s condemnation, the Libyan people should remain vigilant and ensure that succeeding leaders stomp out problems like massive corruption, the AP reported. “It’s not yet over,” he said and added that the Libyan revolt should “move all the corruption from the country. It’s not just to move the president.”

The Philippines in August recognized the opposition-led interim government in Libya after initial reluctance over concerns for safety of 1,700 Filipino workers, mostly nurses, still in the country. Gadhafi used to bankroll Muslim rebels in the southern Philippines but later brokered a historic 1976 peace accord between the main Muslim group and the Philippine government.

Libya also reportedly paid millions of dollars in ransom for the release of Western hostages held by the al-Qaida-linked Abu Sayyaf group in 2000.

 
William Attard McCarthy / Shutterstock.com

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The current upheaval in Greece continues its unstable and fluctuating nature and while all eyes are on the next step, this report looks to convey in a discreet, convenient and beautiful way what concerns the restless population of Greece.

Is this possible? Maybe not simply because the truth, most of the times, is not discreet, convenient and beautiful. So, what’s going on outside of the Greek parliament in Athens, and in many other Greek cities these days? The answer is simple yet meaningful. This is going on: one of the biggest protests of the last decades of modern Hellenic history.

Let’s take it from the beginning. It obviously been a long time since the economy, as well as the political and social life of Greece, has been taken advantage off and ruined by the interests of Greek and foreign governments, multinational corporations and of course the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the relevant support mechanisms.

This situation asphyxiated the people, figuratively. They saw themselves as qualified yet were incapable of getting a job. Some lost their jobs and others worked more hours for less salary, their pensions to be reduced tremendously while the daily cost of living was to grow rapidly. In addition the country these people live and the public wealth, has been literally sold out. On the other hand, as usually happens in such cases, corrupted politicians and the upper-class earn more and more.

Citizens from every corner of Greece felt the need to rise up and protest for their rights. They decided via social media to make a huge gathering, in which political parties and violence would be absolutely unwelcome. And so it happened, with a massive participation of people of all ages, occupation, and social class.

They decide to call their selves in Greek “οι ΑΓΑΝΑΚΤΙΣΜΕΝΟΙ”, in which is loosely translated to “the people who feel indignation” in English. With this name, they wanted to express their feelings about the situation they are experiencing. It started as you might expect at the center of Athens, the capital of Greece as well as Thessaloniki, the second largest city, on May 25, 2011.

This spontaneous, peaceful and independent movement of the people, made such a hopeful impression that from May 25 until today, the center of Athens is closed because the protest is repeating over and over, each day. Many people, most of them young, actually live there in tents so that the area can be constantly crowded.

From the afternoon until late into the night there music plays and a microphone is available for the public to voice their opinions. Also vendors of every kind, especially food, settled there to make the life of those who took up residence easier. The protest did not stop in Athens but it spread in many other cities of Greece.

The people who participate in the protest are friendly, helpful and willing to inform passersby about the country’s situation. I know because I was there with them. Their greatest motto is “Real and Immediate Democracy NOW.” There are, however, many more slogans like “Thieves” regarding of course the politicians, “We do not owe, we do not sell, and we do not pay.” Insulting slogans could not be missed targeting the prime minister of Greece George Papandreou, the banks and the IMF.

The goal is to bring about a fair and equal society, in which the people can expressed loud and free, and most of all, their needs and demands can become reality. The people of Greece grew tired of being cheated and ignored, and finally they started to resist in an undefeatable way: massively and peacefully.

The truth is that these Greek citizens may feel indignation, but, above all, they are aware of the situation the country got into. Finally, people can see the government’s game behind their backs and therefore rise up. Day by day, more citizens realize that this artificial economic crisis was carefully planned to satisfy specific interests – not theirs. Greeks refuse to be victims anymore.

This is an inside information i can give about this Greek protests: this protest has shook the Greek government, leaving the country’s leaders frightened for the first time. That is the reason the government had to find a way to prevent the people from gathering and protesting. The problem is that since the protestors are not using any kind of violence, the police forces are incapable to stop them.

So, the government created a reason to let the police use violence and break the protests: using a small amount of people, most likely undercover policemen to penetrate into the other peaceful protestors and cause trouble by throwing rocks or molotov cocktails against the police, or setting things on fire.

The Greek government has used this tactic in similar cases in the past. The protestors try to push this small group of people wearing hoods or helmets to hide their faces away, but since the protestors are unarmed and the others are not, the protestors can’t handle it in most of the cases.

The media, which is more or less controlled by people with the same interests as the government, shows pictures of violence and destruction from the protests to the viewers in order to scare them and prevent them from protesting. Imagine sitting on your sofa, watching images of police officers hitting innocent people on TV.

They are surrounded by huge clouds of fumigants, chemicals and fire. Would you feel compelled to go there? Media play this key-role and I am personally angered by the image being transformed and relayed in both national and foreign media.

I decided to write this article to express my opinion (and I hope the opinion of many others of my fellow countrymen), my intention is to help others to understand what is happening, not only in our country but worldwide. Do not always believe what you hear on the news – stay vigilant on checking up on information. The truth is not always that simple.

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In a small hotel, within Marrakech’s Medina, I talk with my host and friend Yousuf. Over the past two days he has been, very patiently, helping me to refine my impoverished and diminutive knowledge of Arabic. We discuss pronunciation and, of course, dialect. Arabic is perhaps more diverse than any other major language, so much so that an Arabic speaker from Syria may struggle to understand Arabic dialect in Algeria.

During the conversation Yousuf pauses to tell me that he has ‘his own language’, in addition to Arabic. His eyes change; he is unmistakeably proud. Berber, he says, contributes considerably to Moroccan dialect Arabic, but is also a language in its own right. Berber is Yousuf’s ‘own language’.

“That 98.5% of Moroccans agree on such a complex and important question is extremely unlikely.”

The next day I travel across Morocco by taxi. It is a long and fascinating journey, but its defining feature is the police checkpoints. Every 20 miles there are policemen stopping motorists. My first thought is that they must be monitoring long distance travel within Morocco, as part of a surveillance program aimed at keeping tabs on the Polisario.

In 1975 Western Sahara was finally decolonized, and as soon as the Spanish left, Morocco and Mauritania immediately invaded. By 1979 Morocco had established administrative control of the country, but the Polisario – a Sahrawi resistance movement – were both strong and popular. I ask the driver why there are so many checkpoints, are they monitoring the Polisario? He replies only to tell me that he was ‘a policeman for five years’.

As we drive on another possibility presents itself. A convoy of about 20 cars is driving slowly down the main road, accompanied by the sound of honking horns. On this point, our driver is far more amenable. The cars are draped in hand written signs that are, he says, canvassing the ‘Yes’ vote in the upcoming Referendum. In response to the wave of protests and popular political organization that has gripped Morocco just as strongly as the rest of the Arab world, King Muhammad VI had offered a referendum on a new constitution.

The new regulations would involve the King renouncing a modest amount of power, make the prime minister the head of the government, grant women ‘social equality’ with men, and – strikingly – acknowledge Berber as an official state language along with Arabic. The ‘Yes’ convoy is unobstructed by the police. Is the referendum the reason for the quantity of checkpoints?

It is the 30th of June. Throughout my travels King Muhammad VI has been there. In every hotel, restaurant, shop, café, and even in the souks of Marrakech, there are portraits of the King. His ubiquity is a stark reminder of Egypt in 2009, when Hosni Mubarak’s face was plastered even onto the make-shift walls of Cairo’s shanty town. I am in the coastal town of Essaouira, and in the central square there is a large rally.

A stage is erected, and the sky is strewn with ‘Yes’ fliers. The ‘Yes’ campaign is undoubtedly well funded. The town is, however, divided. The ‘Yes’ camp are louder, they dance, and their microphones ring through the streets. Their supporters clutch the same portraits of King Muhammad that have become so familiar.

But there is a considerable group of protesters calling for a boycott of the referendum, and though there is no sign of any violence, they are completely contained within a police cordon. Is this Moroccan Kettling? Are the police merely pre-empting clashes, or are they sending a message?

Though they are not insignificant, the reforms are not those that the protest movements want. The February 20th movement has been vehemently arguing for a political system based on the separation of powers, foreign policy decided democratically, and for something to be done about Morocco’s increasing youth unemployment, which currently stands at nearly 40 percent. The referendum, it is widely agreed, is as much a vote on King Muhammad as it is on his minor reforms. If that is true, it follows that the referendum was not a vote the King could afford to lose.

The result comes in: 98.5% have voted yes. The UK government has decisively moved to support not only the new constitution but this result, and therefore there are some points that need to be made. The first is hardly necessary to emphasize; the proportion of support is scarcely believable. That 98.5% of Moroccans agree on such a complex and important question is extremely unlikely.

The second is that the opposition and popular movements have pushed for boycott, rather than a ‘no’ vote; this alone at least partially invalidates the result. There are also questions that remain unanswered. What effect has the police presence and its noticeable yet measured action around the referendum had? And how many people, proud like Yousuf of a sense of distinct Berber identity, have supported the reforms because of the King’s addition of the official language change?

King Muhammad VI has been shrewd. His referendum is ostensibly a victory, and a weapon against those who will argue for more radical democratic changes. It is also an excuse for Western governments like our own to oppose Arab democracy, as they always do. Scratch the surface and you find the reality is more complicated. Though Morocco is not Libya, or Egypt, the protest movements will not be perturbed by this.

I learned much about language in Morocco. The truth about the referendum is that it was not a loud clear shout of support for the King’s continued power. The reform movements are alive and well, and will continue to voice their desire for a more democratic Morocco, in both Arabic and Berber.

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My journey to Logan Hall – at the Institute of Education in Russell Square – last Thursday had been unremarkable. The entrance was dotted with people nervously thumbing mobile phones, a solitary policeman, and little else. Inside, the deceptively large lecture theatre was growing steadily replete with its eager audience.

By 7.20 pm we had taken our seats, the hall was eighty percent full, and the chant began. Approximately thirty people were wedged into the doorway – presumably having rushed the ticket desk – chanting a tune in which the only audible words were “Dawkins” and (I think) “job losses”. The two security guards that had been holding them back capitulated, and they quickly took to the stage. The already large audience was perplexed and then furious. The majority of the audience was comprised of members of the British Humanist Association,  and the heckles thrown at the protestors showed that at least some of those present thought the combination of chanting and an anti-Dawkins message to mean ‘religious nut-jobs’ (who are generally fond of a good chant).

Organising atheists is notoriously difficult; Dawkins himself has likened it to “herding cats”, and they did not take kindly to this interjection, especially when many believed it to be religiously motivated. Only a dozen protesters made it into Logan Hall  and their chanting was completely drowned out by the 700 strong audience. Within a few minutes however, the general mood had shifted from anger to mockery. In the second row a young man began enacting scenes from Monty Python’s Life of Brian with considerable gusto and to ample applause.

The protesters, who had resorted to merely sitting on the edge of the stage, were visibly irked. Theatrically, they had been outdone. In response, the volume was stepped up, and they abandoned chanting in favour of shouting: “Dawkins is supporting A.C. Grayling’s elitist New College of the Humanities” and other similarly explanatory phrases. The protestors were in fact there to defend free education, and protest the New College’s plan to function as a private Higher Education institution, charging £18,000 a year. Unfortunately, this crowd was interested in just one thing: seeing Professors Myers and Dawkins. In response to a particularly loud protester’s cry that “these academics are not welcome here!”, came a perfectly synchronised – almost pantomime – “Yes, they are!”.

The pantomime continued. Intent on ending the affair, almost the entire audience turned their backs on the protesters, attempting to deprive the fire of oxygen. As interesting a gambit as this was, no-one had enough staying-power to stick with it, and it quickly collapsed. Several of the audience then attempted to take matters into their own hands individually. A young Romanian man took to the stage himself, and announced that he had spent the equivalent of a week’s worth of food on getting to the UK to see Myers, and that he was going to start ejecting “these idiots … starting with James Dean here [pointing at an accurately described protester]”. He was calmed by a police officer.

One of the protestors, a student from UCL named Aaron, explained his motives: “Dawkins says that he stands for enlightened values, but the NCH goes completely against that. We’re here to try to reverse this ethical paralysis, which will entrench a class divide.”

At 7.40pm a team of a dozen police officers entered the building, and the protesters promptly left. The pantomime appeared to be over, and the crowd applauded the curtain. Professors Myers and Dawkins took to the stage to a round of applause that shook the, now full, theatre at 7.55pm (a total delay of only 25 minutes). After the noise subsided, Richard started to speak. “I’m very interested”, he began, “in science and …”, before being cut off from a shout from the back: “AND PROFIT MAKING”. The new interlocutor was roundly booed, and ejected by a large man in a dark suit. Richard’s response, however, once again upstaged any possibility of subversion: “every penny of every lecture I give goes to charity” – thundering applause and cheering.

I have to hand it to the protest. At the cost of considerable loss of face, they certainly spread the message. I would just have made some signs and stood outside, but while they earned themselves some chagrin, they definitely got some real attention. This event was unfortunately the wrong target. A thousand people who had paid to see two charismatic scientists and public speakers were simply not interested in talking about the NCH that night.

Oh, and the lecture was excellent by the way.

Image Courtesey:
http://www.flickr.com/photos/shanepope/
http://www.flickr.com/photos/hyfen/

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This past Sunday, 15th of May, a huge demonstration against liberty of expression was performed by hundred of thousand Turkish citizens. They all represented a mash up of Internet users, and gathered together in Taksim Square, located in  the center of Istanbul. They protested against the “draft bill that was appealed by Bianet in an application filed to the Council of State in April” (Bianet).

The demonstration was organized through Facebook and Twitter. The citizens walked through Istiklal Avenue. The main message they want to send out was  that the freedom of expression and right to access information of Internet should not be obstructed. Many organizations such as the Linux Users Association, the LGBTT initiative LambdaIstanbul, the Hands off the Internet Initiative, also many different groups took part in the manifestation.

The walk lasted around three hours, with the support of 31 Turkish provinces. The citizens protested against the filtering system, which will come into effect on August 22nd of the present year. Which will ban sites such as Youtube, Blogspot, WordPress and many other thousands of websites in Turkey.

The people express themselves by shouting and showing slogans that contains phrases as: “Internet without TiB”, “The strings of the BTK are attached to Fetullah’s hand” and “ Hands off our freedom, opinions, books and Internet”.

In a press released exposed and emitted by the Sourtimes, the declaration of May 15^Th, 2011 regarding some great points about why fundamental rights and Freedoms Cannot Be Obstructed are exposed:

• The BTK (IT and Communications Institute) decision dated 02/22/2011 with number 2011/DK-10/91 lacks legal basis. The unjust decision gives BTK a right, which is not prescribed by law. The legal decision also limits basic rights and freedoms protected by the Constitution and international treaties directly. While open and unfiltered Internet access is being regarded as a basic human right by international institutions, in Turkey filtered Internet is about to become “the standard”

• The comments made by the BTK president claiming the “standard profile” is the current standard and anybody who opts-out will be left out of the filtering system are not correct. Neither there is a notion called neither “the standard profile” nor an established filter mechanism currently. With the forthcoming mechanism it will not be possible to stay out of the filtering system. If the government officials are really sincere they have to provide an “unfiltered” alternative to Internet users in Turkey.

• Internet is about to become “the standard”. “The BTK filtering system which will take effect on August 22nd, 2011 is unpredictable by the users, arbitrary, and essentially a control and censorship mechanism structurally. The criteria for filtering websites through the different profiles under the BTK system are not disclosed to Internet users. The full authority to build and maintain the filtering lists is handed to BTK by BTK itself. Now BTK will render hundreds of thousands of websites unreachable arbitrarily which is far beyond the current disproportional blocking caused by Law No. 5651. Illegitimate, disproportional and arbitrary administrative operations are unacceptable in a democratic country.

• Similar to previous blocking decisions, state officials are trying to use irrelevant countries as examples to legitimize their unjustified decisions. They are intentionally perverting the description of various state policies in their justifications. It is impossible to accept the state officials’ appeal to negative examples from across the globe to interfere with everybody’s lives in Turkey.

• Member states must encourage the use of filtering software in houses, school computers and Internet cafes but must avoid employing mandatory nationwide filtering policies.If filter use is found appropriate by families, that should be use on their own personal computers.

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