New York, U.S.A. — Amid continued economic, financial, and political turmoil, several E.U. countries are seeing improvement in a crucial measure of competitiveness. According to a new Executive Action Report from The Conference Board, the cost of labor per unit of output has fallen significantly in a number of the hardest-hit economies, led by Ireland and Eastern Europe.

For the Euro Area, controlling unit labor cost (ULC) — defined as nominal labor compensation per unit of real output —may be key to redressing the competitive unbalance between core and periphery that has haunted a continent and fueled four years of recurring crisis.

“A drop in unit labor cost is an important sign of the beginning of adjustments in Europe’s most trouble economies,” said Bart van Ark, The Conference Board Chief Economist and co-author of the report. “For now it is mainly the reduction in wages which leads the adjustments, but once productivity begins to increase as well, it could be the key to a more sustainable recovery.”

Since states within the Euro Area cannot devalue their currencies or dictate interest rates, boosting ULC and, thus, competitiveness relative to other members of the zone can only come about through real changes in worker efficiency,” he adds.

There are early signs that the rebalancing through unit labor cost adjustments is under way. While France, Germany, Austria, and other relatively strong continental economies have pursued social welfare policies to limit unemployment during the downturn — thereby reducing productivity and increasing unit labor costs — countries with more flexible labor markets in the “Anglo-Saxon” model have been able to make faster adjustments.

Ireland lowered its ULC by 5.3 percent between 2008 and 2011, a success only rivaled by less mature Eastern European countries such as Hungary, Latvia, and Lithuania, which still retain their own currencies. Elsewhere outside the Euro Area, ULC in the U.K. has fallen by 3.6 percent — the sharpest decline of any large economy.

In the most troubled European economies of Greece, Portugal, and Italy, a tradition of rigid labor markets kept unit labor costs rising through the early years of the crisis. Continued weakness and deepening austerity measures, however, have recently pushed them towards turning points suggesting a strong reduction in costs and faster efficiency gains compared to the Euro Area’s northern core.

In Greece, ULC rose by 4.4 percent overall between 2008 and 2011, but fell by more than 5 percent from 2010 to 2011. With its large contingent of flexible part-time workers, Spain is further along; Spanish ULC fell 4.4 percent between 2008 and 2011. Across the Euro Area, unit labor costs in manufacturing have fallen by 3.9 percent in the past two years, after rising at the outset of the crisis.

Because of the rapid shifts in unit labor cost in recent years, the German manufacturing sector has become less competitive in terms of cost per unit of output relative to the manufacturing in many other European economies — again, led by Ireland, Eastern Europe, and the United Kingdom. Dramatic reductions in workforce and compensation have propelled British firms ahead of formerly more cost-competitive French, German, and Italian rivals. Meanwhile, Ireland is now Europe’s most efficient manufacturing economy by far, ahead of even low-wage off-shoring destinations like Poland.

In contrast to manufacturing, the service sector — which is more labor-intensive with output largely composed of non-tradables — remains a weak performer across Europe. Only Spain and the United Kingdom have managed to substantially lower unit labor costs in the services sector. With output falling faster than workforce or wages can be cut, Germany, France, Greece, and Ireland all saw significant ULC increases in services. The remarkable 41.5 percent decline in Irish ULC for manufacturing was largely offset by a 26.4 percent ULC increase in services.

Given the significant private and public sacrifices needed to bring down unit labor costs against an over-strong currency, an exit from the Euro Area altogether has become a tempting option for the most troubled economies. To test the consequences of a Euro Area exit, The Conference Board modeled the impact that regaining a national currency — and independent monetary policy — would have on unit labor costs in a country like Greece compared with alternative scenarios.

“The huge devaluation following an exit from the Euro Area would certainly boost competitiveness in the first year or two,” said Bert Colijn, labor market economist for The Conference Board Europe and co-author of the report. “But these effects would quickly evaporate, as the subsequent recovery in labor compensation in the medium- to long-term outpaces GDP growth. Hollowing out labor costs can only do so much. Lasting competitiveness gains must ultimately come from the productivity side of the unit cost labor equation.”

“For this reason, we found that neither a troubled economy nor the Euro Area as a whole is likely to benefit in the long run from a unilateral exit, or a wider breakup, or the status quo of muddling through,” says Colijn. “Ultimately, the best outcome for competitiveness is achieved with greater fiscal integration, including a banking union and Eurobonds, that will encourage the sort of investment needed for productivity, innovation, and competitiveness that is substantive and sustainable.”

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Spain has received a 100 billion euro ($125 billion) after denying it needed it for several weeks. Although the announcement of the bailout originally had the global markets opening high, the uncertainty surrounding the details and implications of this bailout have caused the enthusiasm to disappear. Investors are still worried about spending money on Spain and they are also worried about what this bailout means for Italy.

The rating agency, Fitch downgraded Santander and BBVA – two of Spain’s largest banks – from As to BBB+s. This downgrade, in addition to uncertainty in the markets has caused investors to sit on their money rather than risk spending it. Fitch claimed the lower rating was caused by its worries that Spain will “remain in recession through the remainder of this year and 2013 compared to the previous expectation that the economy would benefit from a mild recovery in 2013 which directly affects the banks’ volumes of activities in Spain.”

The exact amount of emergency funds for Spain are still unknown, but the amount will be announced later in June after the Spanish banks have been audited. Many Spaniards were surprised about the bailout after their government insisted it did not need the money. There were several demonstrations on June 10 against the bailout after the announcement was made.

The Spanish government insists that the banks are the ones that need the bailout and are receiving the bailout, not the government itself. However, the bailout money cannot go directly to the banks, as Spain wants it to be, and must go through the Spanish government. A troika will also be created to oversee the financial management of the money in Spain just like in the bailouts for the Republic of Ireland, Greece and Portugal.

The bailout was meant to alleviate the concerns within financial markets that Spain itself was unstable and would go down with its banks. According to Richard Hunter of Hargreaves Lansdown stockbrokers, “some much-needed time has now been bought in Spain, which will allow the market an – at least temporary – sigh of relief.” However, the bailout seems to be its own worst enemy. The uncertainty surrounding the exact amount, the outcome and the mechanism of the bailout have not led to more investing.

Most of the bailout funds will come from the newly founded European Stability Mechanism that was formed specifically to help alleviate the Eurozone crisis. The funds are considered a loan that the Spanish government will eventually have to pay back, meaning this bailout makes Spain even more in debt. However, the fund itself will be considered a “senior” creditor which means that it will be paid back first if Spain defaults on its loan. Many investors are worried that they will not get paid back if they invest in Spain by buying its government bonds because everyone would be second to the Mechanism fund. Therefore, the Spanish bonds that were over 6% previous to the bailout are now almost up to 6.5% after the bailout according to the BBC.

Spain was still unsure about receiving a bailout but European finance officials pushed Spain into receiving help for its banks.

Moody’s rating agency has also said that Spain’s banking problem, “is not likely to be a major source of contagion to other euro area countries, except for Italy.”

 Italy

Many are now worried that if Spain’s bailout does not succeed, Italy may be next to need help – if it’s not already too late. Italian bonds are up to 6%, meaning that investors see these bonds as high risk. The Italian GDP dropped 0.8% in the first quarter of this year whereas Spain’s only dropped 0.4%. Most predictions show the Italian economy shrinking at least another 1.5% this year. This is Italy’s fourth recession since 2001 and consumer spending and exports are down.

The Italian government has recently been practicing austerity measures under the government of Prime Minister Mario Monti. The Italian Economic Development Minister, Corrado Passera stated, “this great discipline that we have imposed on ourselves in terms of public finances makes us one of the countries best equipped to confront the financial turbulence that Europe finds itself in today.” Passera also claimed, “in the past months, Italy has done, from a financial point of view, everything that needed doing to save itself.”

Italy currently relies heavily on funding from the European Central Bank, which could hurt it in the long run. However, Italian banks have not suffered as much as Spanish banks because they did not suffer from the same housing bubble. Italy’s unemployment rate is also half of Spain’s and its borrowing costs are lower. Italy’s deficit for this year is lower than Spain’s but its overall debt is higher. Still, Italy is in a fragile position.

Sovereign debt expert Nicholas Spiro has warned that too many are linking Spain’s problems to Italy. “Where Spain goes, there is the perception that Italy will follow, which is terrible because it is like comparing apples and pears.” Spiro claimed that Italy’s economy was “infinitely better” than Spain’s, particularly because Italy did not have to deal with the same housing crisis as Spain.

Although it looks as though Italy may save itself, investors are still too skittish. Currently many reforms are still necessary and will have to be passed over the next year. Prime Minister Monti had the support to push through these reforms but he seems to be quickly losing it.

Monti and newly elected French President Francois Hollande are both in favor of Eurobonds, bonds that are guaranteed by all of the Eurozone. These Eurobonds would help alleviate Italy’s debt and would mean its bonds would not be as high a risk to investors. Hollande and Monti will meet on June 14 to discuss the possibility of Eurobonds. However, Merkel has already announced that she is against them and Germany’s support will be necessary for Eurobonds to be successful at all.

Image Courtesy of   European Council

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German Chancellor Angela Merkel met with the English Prime Minister David Cameron to discuss the Eurozone crisis. Both leaders support a two-speed approach to the future of Europe.

Several leaders outside of the Eurozone, such as U.S. President Barack Obama, have urged Germany and the other participating nations to take immediate action on the crisis. Cameron stated, “I’m very clear that urgent action is needed to deal with the market uncertainty… [it] is about building firewalls and recapitalizing the banks.” Although Cameron has urged the Eurozone to solve this crisis, he has made it quite clear that he expects them to solve their own problems.

The United Kingdom and Denmark, although members of the European Union, negotiated agreements in 1992 to be excluded from the euro. Both countries wanted to maintain their own currency, which now appears to have been the best course of action.

Merkel has already admitted that the Eurozone crisis has been building over the last ten years and will not be solved in a day. Merkel stated, “now it will also take a few years to get things right again.”

Many economic experts have claimed that the Eurozone structure is faulty because seventeen nations are connected through a currency but are not coordinated with their budget plans. This lack of budget coordination is not a problem until a crisis such as the 2008 recession arises; now the weaker economies are dragging down the whole system. Merkel agrees that something must be done to integrate these nations better. “We need more Europe, we need not only a monetary union, but we also need a so-called fiscal union, in other words more joint budget policy,” she said.

European Union officials in Brussels want Germany, the strongest economy in the Union, to accept jointly guaranteed European debt and allow the European Central Bank to issue eurobonds. These eurobonds would help to regain some of the debt for the other countries as well as Germany, but Merkel worries that issuing these eurobonds would harm the German people and the German economy more. Before any kind of fiscal union is created in Europe, Merkel is insistent that there needs to be more stability from other European Union countries. Some experts claim that the integration cannot wait.

Another suggestion from the European Commission and European Central Bank is the creation of a central banking authority that would help alleviate concerns of excessive debt. Currently, Spain’s finance minister has claimed that credit markets are “effectively shut” to Spain at this time, making it impossible for them to get the billions in euros to rescue their banks. As of 6 June 2012, the European Commission has announced a plan for a “bank union” in Europe that would make it easier for countries like Spain to get credit.

Although many worry that Spain will need a bailout, Spain insists that they will not. Merkel has stated that Germany will not pressure Spain to take a bailout although the funds will be there if they are necessary.

The European Central Bank cannot provide bailouts due to the ‘no bailout’ clause of the Maastricht Treaty of 1992. However, starting in July there will be a 500 billion euro rescue fund known as the European Stability Mechanism.

Merkel has insisted on austerity measures in bailout countries such as Greece, but these measures have been met with great opposition. Many claim that what governments should be focusing on is growth. Merkel claims, “budget consolidation [aka austerity measures] and growth are two sides of one and the same coin.”

Currently a budget-discipline agreement is being discussed across Europe and has already been ratified in some countries. The Irish referendum vote in the previous week affirmed the agreement. Merkel’s coalition government in the German Parliament is working to get the two-thirds majority necessary to approve the agreement. However, the opposition party – which believes the debt crisis can only be solved by spending for growth – has also requested a financial transaction tax be added to the agreement or at least followed by Germany.

The United Kingdom, with London being the biggest financial center in Europe, is opposed to a Europe-wide financial transaction tax. Cameron stated that the tax would “simply [draw] those transactions offshore and to other places.”

On 7 June 2012 Merkel stated, “we need a political union first and foremost… step by step we must from now on give up more competences to Europe, and allow Europe more powers of control.” Although Cameron agrees that the Eurozone must become more integrated financially, his country is not a member of the Eurozone and would not have to deal with the consequences.

After meeting with Cameron, Merkel announced that she is tolerant of a ‘two-speed’ Europe, meaning that while the current Eurozone countries become more integrated fiscally and politically, other countries such as Denmark and the United Kingdom that use their own currency would still be a part of the Union but relegated to the edges. Merkel claims, “we have to be open. We always have to make it possible for everyone [to join]… but we must not stop because one or the other don’t want to come along just yet.”

Merkel says that one of the greatest aids for the European Union countries is to become more competitive. She claims that the economies will improve when they begin producing more on the global market.

An EU summit is planned for later in June and the leaders will discuss plans for a political union. However, according to Merkel, the decision and the arrangements will not be completed in one summit and more meetings will have to be planned.

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From the year 2007 to 2011, the global economic system as a whole learned some of its toughest lessons and faced the hardest of times since the great depression of the 1930s. All of this started with irregularities in the US housing market and following credit crunch; then came the demise of Lehman and the chaos in the financial markets which triggered the global downfall in the growth rate, literally acting as fuel for a global recession.

This crisis was transported through various channels across the globe, creating a situation very close to the great depression where the pace of growth actually faded dramatically, where trade stumbled, financial markets dried out, and of course global unemployment bloomed.

A conceptual analysis of the empirical evidence from the period between 2007 to 2011 presents two broad cases of distinction. In the first case we were struggling to put the US economy back on track with the help of financial bailouts to corporations and financial institutions. In the second case we found that international institutions are providing a series of bailouts, creating a firewall against default by some countries in the Eurozone.

Death by Debt

Rapid, large scale accumulation of public debt poses a repugnant and most grievous threat to a national economy because it paralyses the eligibility of a country to secure any assistance in the future by the international community. It is nothing but financial death for a nation because it kills the natural basis of the financial system. The banking industry may collapse, lowering the value of domestic currency, causing irreparable damage to banks invested in the sovereign debt of the defaulting nation and worsening the potential global credit crunch.

Today economies, markets, and institutions are so interconnected and interwoven that any event or activity that can trigger a potential negative extreme, will have a direct and strong impact on other economies. For example, a drastic increase in public spending in China will probably increase demand for natural resources in Australia — and many more sophisticated illustrations can be easily found.

Bailouts and Future

How far can we really rely on bailouts? It all depends on how much we are prepared to mend the gaps between revenues and expenditure in government finances. In simple words, bailouts provided to any country does not mean that fiscal disparities are eliminated. In fact, bailouts often only act as the respirator of an ailing economy at its death bed.

In the case of the Eurozone debt, with the complications and assistance extended by the International Monetary Fund (IMF), it is a matter of diplomatic dynamics and not a real resolution that can be relied upon in the future.

IMF and other global economic and financial intuitions should draft a policy recommendation that virtually limits any reliance or mere assurance of a bailout by other nations in the future.

Image Courtesy of    DoraBakoyannis

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